In addition to French Jesuit scholarship focusing mainly on South India, which was also their missionary base, in other parts of India Jesuit historians specialized in other missions and in other historical topics having to do with Indian history. A Catalan, Enric Heras de Sicars — , or under his better known anglicized name of Henry Heras, became a famous historian and archeologist, and professor of history at the St.
Xavier's College in Bombay.
His work still remains in good part unknown since his publications were scattered in different historical journals in British India, such as Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal. In the period after Indian independence, Indian Jesuit historiography had been Indianized with the first generation of Indian-born Jesuit historians such as a Goan, John Correia-Afonso, the author of—among many other published works—the book Jesuit Letters and Indian History.
In fact, Jesuit theologians, writers, and scholars who worked in other fields such as Sanskrit or Tamil literary culture, in particular Anand Amaladass and Francis X. Clooney, contributed also to Jesuit historiography. On the contrary, they were and continue to be inspired by different historical schools and they choose topics according to their own social convictions.
Some were in particular engaged in denouncing Eurocentrism and colonial attitudes in the Old Society, while others denounced social policies that accepted Brahmanical and high-caste attitudes to Dalits and the Jesuit complicity in promoting caste divisions. Indian Jesuit history thus became a contested field among the Jesuits and it also fed into larger discussions among Christian theologians on inculturation. While most of these discussions were important, especially in the Indian public arena, they were often based on theological arguments, cultural explanations, and internal personal quarrels.
As a consequence they did not always produce rigorous and acceptable historiography and they rarely cared to use sources and archives critically and philologically. Two unsurpassed historians whose critical editions of original documents opened Jesuit history to non-Jesuit historians, and who set the highest standards of the discipline were Georg Otto Schurhammer — and Josef Wicki — Francisci Xaverii aliaque eius scripta —45 co-edited with Josef Wicki.
These volumes were published within the span of forty years between and and covered the period between and Each volume contains up to hundred pages of introduction, bibliography, detailed archival and prosopographical notes, as well as a detailed index. All historians, Jesuit and non-Jesuit of the second half of the twentieth century started their research by first checking their works and bibliography for references and sources.
There are a number of historians such a Charles Boxer — , an erudite interested in Portuguese empire, who used Jesuit sources and even edited some of them. Other historians primarily interested in intellectual history and the history of Orientalism also employed and sometimes edited Jesuit sources. The reason Jesuit history in general and Indian history in particular attracted non-Jesuit historians has something to do with the interest in global interactions, transnational corporations, postcolonial critique, interdisciplinary approaches with anthropology and literature blending into historiography, and the rise of the social history of science.
Jesuit early modern documents, coming in quite well preserved series such as collections of letters were recognized in the s as a mine for testing hypotheses and for tracking global flows of people, objects, and ideas. No other early modern religious order had the same quality of sources and easy access to their archives.
No other archives contained documents which, for example, already in the sixteenth or seventeenth century adopted a comparative approach and were global in scope. With different goals in mind, historians were attracted to Jesuit intelligence, experience, and ingenuity. Dhruv Raina came from history of science and discovered Jesuit astronomy in India and in Paris.
Centered on Jesuit missions as places of epistemological experiments and cultural encounters are works by social and cultural historians such as Ines G. In the last couple of decades, the interest in Jesuit history grew exponentially, to a point where voices were heard about omissions and elisions of other missionary orders. Jesuit historiography became a victim of its own accomplishments. Jesuit history in the early modern period is both too important to be neglected because it is part of our common heritage and also too important to be left to narrowly partisan and celebratory Jesuit historiography.
These early published letters are listed in Correia-Afonso, Jesuit Letters , — Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae dux et Societatis Iesu praepositus generalis tertius , vol. Avrial, , — Joseph Wicki, 3 vols. Artur Viegas, 3 vols.
Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, , , Bordeaux: Simon Millanges, — British historians in the twentieth century used his work extensively for piecing together the history of the Mughals. Nicolao Pimenta, visitatore Societatis Iesu, ad R. See general bibliography in Donald F. Lach and Edwin J. Wheeler M. Thackston Leiden: Brill, The Jesuit obsession with recording lives and deaths of their members is well known.
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First published in , it was added to the third edition of Asiaticae historiae in He managed to save only one manuscript, that of the life of Pedro de Basto. Perera, 3 vols. The original Portuguese text was published by P. Pieris in Colombo in There were four editors at different moments. They had become very active commercially, and little by little Armenian presence was felt in major Portuguese trade centres, especially in Hormuz, Diu and Goa, and also on the Coromandel Coast.
They had been living or trading traditionally in Hormuz before the Portuguese conquest , and never deserted the island afterwards, even though they were pressurized to become Catholics. By the s other Europeans travelling by, or living in Portuguese Asia, bear witness to their continuous presence.
More strangely still, none of the Englishmen mentioned Armenians in Diu, or Chaul in their writings ibid. Surprisingly non-Portuguese and non-Christian communities survived, and even thrived in spite of a reinforced Catholic proselytism within Portuguese India. Notwithstanding the religious problem, Armenian-Portuguese relationship outside Crown fortresses was good, and such relations were common enough even with the most important agent of Catholic proselytism, the Jesuits. Their mission in the Mughal court received several donations from prominent Armenian merchants since its establishment in and throughout the 17 th century Gulbenkian, , I, Around he was governor of Gozepor [Jaunpur or Ghazipur], and a protector of the local Jesuit mission, and of Christians ibid.
An estimate made c. India attracted most of it, and it arrived either through Sind, or through Gujerat. By the s the latter route became insecure due to pirates and privateers active in the Gulf of Cambay, namely Muhammad Kunjali Marakkar Nambiar, , Bouchon, , In some quarters in Portuguese India there was still people, like Francisco Rodrigues da Silveira, a soldier who served in the Gulf during the s, who still saw the Ottomans as a threat Barreto, Winius, Teensma, , However this had no greater success than his earlier attack on the Gulf D.
V-XI, The situation in the Gulf favoured the Hormuz captain, whose revenue thrived from this informal trade and which was tolerated by Goan authorities Barreto, Winius, Teensma, ibid.tigbuicounge.tk
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The Hormuzi market was prone to suffer blows from other important markets, like the sudden and unexpected halt of caravans arriving at Gombroon from Iran c. However the royal decision of was ineffective, as the Armenians and Venetians were still using and living in Hormuz. Around the Venetians were again active in the Basra-Hormuz route, as also the Armenians, because it was reopened in Estado, , I, Teles e Cunha, , Pedro Teixeira, who passed through Jarun Island in , noticed its cosmopolitan atmosphere and communities, among which he mentioned the Armenians Sala, , The endemic piracy of the Nakhilus in the Gulf, very active after Barreto, Winius, Teensma, , , became a regular nuisance to all shipping, as Teixeira witnessed in Sala, , Muttalib b.
Badran of Hoveyzeh, whose activity near Basra was a major deterrent to its use until his death in Luft, , VII, Gulbenkian, , II, In Iran Abbas I r. Though it was not an entirely new phenomenon: it had begun with Tahmasp r. Guilherme de Santo Agostinho. XIV, Rego, ibid. Gulbenkian, b, Their predecessor had already undertaken both the tasks in ibid.
Heyberger, , Politically they were tied to two different centres, Goa and Lisbon, whose interests and initiatives seldom coincided, and acted under a third entity, the Shah, who perceived them under a distinct perspective. Religiously they belonged to the Portuguese Padroado, whose area of jurisdiction was being undermined directly by Rome, particularly in areas, like Iran, where there was a Roman missionary tradition since the 13 th century Tournebize, , 11, col.
In , Fr. Azarias Fridonix, none other than Fr. Azarias Fridon, archbishop of Nakhitchevan, an Armenian Dominican who was trying to return to his church through the Cape Route after he had visited Rome in Dom Fr.
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Aleixo de Meneses in His work was an eulogy of his Order, but Fr. Gulbenkian, , I, This was only the beginning, as the contacts increased over the years, and so did the works available in Europe, some of them coming through Portuguese sources, namely the Augustinian accounts Gulbenkian, ibid.
Of course he was not alone, as Alexander II r. Curiously another Augustinian, Fr. By the time Fr. Machado, ], II , , Safavid Iran and Armenians had lost all their credibility in Portuguese eyes. Diogo was not alone, as there was a wider movement in Rome favouring the union, and asking for privileges for Armenians. Around Filipe II was pressurized by the archbishop of Arzena, who was acting on behalf of the Armenians, to grant them equal rights like other Christians in Hormu2, namely in the matter of paying the same rate of tariffs.
In Filipe II had been warned that the Armenians living in Hormuz were poor, and working for Persian and Ottoman merchants, which led him to ask for more information.
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Goan authorities took their time, and as much Filipe II did not received it in As a result he renewed his previous order Pato, , I, However their goods were not seized, and Orta Rebelo was not hindered during his remaining voyage through Iran, though he preferred the southern route. Jacques de Coutre, who had followed the same route earlier that year, had no problems during his travel, and he saw Armenians selling wine in Lar, and in Hoveyzeh.
He hired an Armenian guide, and joined a caravan with an Armenian group Stols, Teensmay, Werberckmoes, , Steensgaard, , , new developments were taking place in the Gulf affecting the Armenian merchants. The choice fell on Garcia de Melo, who was given adequate powers, but he used this indescridy which led Dom Henrique to show his discontent through a garrison uprising. While the Iranian embassy negotiated in Madrid, the Dual Monarchy achieved another goal in its foreign policy when the Dutch signed a truce for twelve years Elliot, , The preliminary treaty was prompdy communicated to Goa Pato, , I, , which released funds to finance a war against the Turks, a fixation in Habsburg policy, and always maintained at all cost Corral, Though the government circles in Lisbon saw it also as a tariff problem, and tried to tackle it through tax reform and protection to trade and traders, they excluded a preferential treatment for Armenians.
Despite the crisis, Hormuz still provided Safavid Iran with a safe trade route to India, especially to Sind. Carita, , fol. The competition to Portuguese fortresses on the Gulf also came from the caravan route linking Herat to Lahore, via Qandahar, which had flourished spectacularly since the beginning of the 17 th century. Earlier caravans in this route moved with an average of 3, camels, but the number increased to , animals in Purchas, , IV, , and the Armenians were among the users of the route.
Abbas objective was to keep open all possibilities of trading in Iranian silk with Asia and Europe, and the Armenians provided networks, funds, commercial expertise and international contacts. As such they were indispensable. Belchior dos Anjos that the archbishop was to be blamed for the recent Iranian-Portuguese war of Luz, , Part of the problem lay precisely in the process to distinguish between Iranian-Armenians and Ottoman-Armenians.
While Armenians in Iran were taking advantage of his position and were asking him to further their privileges, namely the right to travel from Hormuz to India aboard Portuguese ships, and return with merchandise i.
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Despite his recent moves, Abbas was still trying to entice Filipe II for new diplomatic negotiations Luz, , , but in Lisbon and in Goa there was a growing fear of possible Safavid moves against Hormuz. The arrival and establishment of other Europeans competitors in the Gulf, first in Jask and then in Gombroon Bandel , renamed Bandar Abbas, provided Armenian merchants with a direct access to the Indian market, together with the Qandahar route Luz, , The Armenians, like many other merchants, became dependent on the sea route for trade with Sind and Gujerat.
If the latter route was chosen, the Armenians had to call at Gwadar in order to pay in advance for protection from Nautaque marauders established there, before reaching Lahari Bandar. To break away from this dependency, they also sought the protection offered by Portuguese cartazes between Sind and Persia, which obliged them to call at Muscat. This made the Portuguese networks quite a viable alternative.
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